By Robert Liddiard

Замки одинадцатого и двенадцатого веков остаются одними из самых видимых символов англо-нормандского мира. Данный сборник впервые объединяет некоторые из наиболее значимых статей в исследованиях замков, при участии специалистов в области истории, археологии и исторических сооружений. Замки остаются спорной темой для научных дебатов, и здесь равный вес придается основополагающим статьям, которые определили изучение предмета, одновременно подчеркивая новые подходы к крепостям англо-нормандской аристократии. Исследования в данной книге следуют в диапазоне от обсуждений жилой и военной роли замка в архитектурной символике до королевского отношения к фортификации баронов. В результате исследование, которое предлагает углубленный анализ строительства замков в одиннадцатом и двенадцатом веках, также затрагивает место англо-нормандских замков в их более широком социальном, архитектурно-политическом контексте.

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However, this should not lead historians to exaggerate the extent of the threat. Luddism was a very restricted movement in both occupational and geographical terms, and was almost always directed against the property rather than the persons of their enemies. The Horsfall case was exceptional. Certainly more blood was shed in suppressing Luddism than was shed by the Luddites themselves. Similarly, despite the labourers’ threatening slogan ‘Bread or Blood’, the authorities shed more blood than the rioting agricultural labourers of 1816, whose unrest was centred upon the fenlands and came to an end with the return of good harvests and the example set by the Special Assize.

W. S. J. Hobsbawm – have taken the view that economic hardship certainly underlay the popular unrest of early nineteenth-century Britain. Rostow, most famously, produced a ‘social tension’ chart, showing the movement of wheat prices and the fluctuations of the trade cycle between 1790 and 1850, which appeared to demonstrate that the peaks of popular disturbances coincided with those periods of greatest economic difficulty for the working classes – in 1795, 1800, 1812, 1819, 1830–31, 1839, 1842 and 1848.

In the first place, it is worth making the obvious point that Liverpool actively presided over the entire period of 1812–27 and thereby imparted a fundamental continuity in terms of outlook and policy. Second, the ‘new’ men of 1821–3 were not really new because they had all served under Liverpool prior to 1822. As has been mentioned above, although Canning passed up the opportunity of becoming Foreign Secretary in 1812 because he also insisted on the Leadership of the House of Commons, he did enter the government as President of the Board of Control in 1816, only to resign the post over the Queen Caroline affair in December 1820.

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