By Gabriel Piterberg
Within the house of six years early within the 17th century, the Ottoman Empire underwent such turmoil and trauma--the assassination of the younger ruler Osman II, the re-enthronement and next abdication of his mad uncle Mustafa I, for a start--that a student suggested the period's three-day-long dramatic climax "an Ottoman Tragedy." less than Gabriel Piterberg's deft research, this era of drawback turns into a old laboratory for the historical past of the Ottoman Empire within the 17th century--an chance to monitor the dialectical play among heritage as an prevalence and event and historical past as a recounting of that have. Piterberg reconstructs the Ottoman narration of this fraught interval from the foundational textual content, produced within the early 1620s, to the composition of the kingdom narrative on the finish of the 17th century. His paintings brings theories of historiography into discussion with the particular interpretation of Ottoman historic texts, and forces a rethinking of either Ottoman historiography and the Ottoman country within the 17th century. A provocative reinterpretation of an immense occasion in Ottoman background, this paintings reconceives the relation among historiography and historical past.
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Additional resources for An Ottoman Tragedy: History and Historiography at Play (Studies on the History of Society and Culture)
First of all I wrote an imperial decree for the grand vezirate. Then according to procedure eighteen positions were granted with our decree. 42 Appointing Kara Davud Pasha to the grand vezirate was tantamount to signing Genç Osman’s death warrant. Here all the historians stress the bad blood between the two and the extent to which Sultan Osman had undermined Davud Pasha’s career. Although it is nowhere explicitly said that this was the valide sultan’s intention in bringing about Davud Pasha’s appointment, it seems plausible.
Drafting his history for the court of Bayezid II (r. 1481–1512) in the 1480s, Apz, now an old man, chose to conform to the overwhelming domination of state ideology that shaped the rest of Ottoman historiography. According to Lindner, in other words, Apz did not mean to include remnants of the authentic narrative in his history. By contrast, Kafadar senses in Apz’s history (as well as in what is known among 34 / Foundations specialists of this subject as the texts of “Uruc and the anonymous chroniclers”) the scent of garlic.
The third observation concerns the sociology of the Ottoman historians. ” 2 It would be erroneous to interpret, both contextually and textually, the Tarih-i Al-i Osman genre of the early seventeenth century as a linear progression from its ﬁfteenth-century putative predecessor or as merely an “improvement” of it. The fourth and ﬁnal observation alludes to modern scholarship. Two main trends, which are not mutually exclusive and may be found within a single study, are concurrent in the scholarship on Ottoman historiography.