By Anatoly M. Khazanov

 A world-renowned anthropologist, Anatoly M. Khazanov deals a witty, insightful, and cautionary research of ethnic nationalism and its pivotal function within the cave in of the Soviet empire.
    “Khazanov’s encyclopedic wisdom of the background and tradition of post-Soviet societies, mixed with box learn there because the Sixties, informs the case stories with a unique authoritative voice. This quantity is destined to be a completely worthwhile reference for the knowledge of ethnic relatives and the politics of minorities within the ex-USSR into the subsequent century.”—Leonard Plotnicov, editor of Ethnology

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Extra resources for After the USSR: Ethnicity, Nationalism, and Politics in Commonwealth of Independent States

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DllNt o tltt I'll" 60 The Verse and Prose of Post-Totalitarianism During the restructuring period these non-Russian elites soon discovered that the conditions of weakening central power allowed them to have it both ways under the nationalistic umbrella: they could retain privileged positions and gain more power by becoming bosses in their own home, independent Moscow. Their allegiance to communist political practices underwent very little change, but their devotion to communist ideology and to the Soviet Empire rapidly evaporated.

Hardly anything else could be expected from people for whom liberal democracy and civil society were fairly abstract notions, while overt or covert interethnic strife and competition and the political dominance of other nationalities associated with the empire were everyday realities. Tht: few attempts at establishing all-union democratic movements were stillborn. :, and still are, willing to give priority to nationalistic aspirations and goals. Ethnic solidarity became a foundation of new political identities.

L'he Collapse of the Soviet Union 49 As a result, many nationalities, such as Tuvinians, Bashkirs, or Buryat, may follow the example of Chechens and Tatars and try to achieve more Independence and/ or raise the status of their political formations vis-a-vis central Russian leadership, while those who lack autonomous formations will try to create something similar. The Kumyks, Lezgin, Balkars, Ingush, Karachay, Nogay, Shapsug, and others have already expressed such a delllre. In many cases this can threaten the existing political formations and c1ffend the interests of other ethnic groups.

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